Matthew Ropp
 
 
MR520, Folk Religion
Dr. R. Daniel Shaw, Spring 1997
Fuller Theological Seminary, School of World Mission

Table of Contents

Table of Contents
Introduction to Konko-kyo
Field Experience
Time, Space, and Participants
Visual Symbols
Ceremony, Ritual, and Prayer
Analysis of Deep Structure Meaning
Various Symbols
Sacred Mitama Invocation and Tamagushi Ceremony
Role of the Minister
Purpose of the Mitama Service and the Konko Church
Missiological Implications
Notes
References Cited
Appendix - Figures
Figure 1 - Shinto priest holdin a shaku
Figure 2 - eboshi
Figure 3 - tamagushi
Figure 4 - gohei
Figure 5 - food and drink offerings on altar
Figure 6 - haraigushi
 
 

    CLAP! CLAP! CLAP! CLAP! A bow. Silence. The service continues: "Offering of the symbol of the true heart," the minister chants in English and Japanese, taking a large tamagushi and placing it on the first tier of the altar.
 

Introduction to Konko-kyo

    Konko-kyo () is one of the thirteen modern sects of Shinto, the indigenous "religion" of Japan. The name "Konko-kyo" literally means "Gold Luster Teaching," but it is better translated something like, "The Teaching of the Glory of the Unifying God." (Holtom 1965:257,260) The sect was founded in 1859 by Kawate Bunjiro, a middle-class farmer in present-day Okayama prefecture (Murakami 1980:15) - a pious man with a keen sense of the spirit world. Once during a serious illness, Kawate's brother-in-law was seized with a spirit possession while ministering at his bedside. It was revealed to Kawate that Konjin (), the "metal deity of the northeast" who was generally believed to be malevolent, was actually a benevolent god and was Tenchi Kane no Kami (), the "One True God of Heaven and Earth." Kawate was later himself possessed by Konjin, and became a living god, taking the name Ikigami Konko Daijin () (Holtom 1965:258-9; R. Smith 1974:60-61).

    Konko became an official organization when established by Kawate's followers in 1885, two years after his death (R. Smith 1974:61). Because of government persecution, Konko became officially associated with Shinto before 1900 while it simultaneously spread throughout Japan as "a faith of this-worldly benefits, such as faith-healing and success in business." (Murakami 1980:45,49) In actuality, Konko is in many ways divorced from Shinto and many of the similarities that do exist are attributed to the forced association with official Shinto in order to survive. It has repudiated much of the body of popular magic and traditional superstitions of Japanese folk religion found in Shinto (Holtom 1965). According to the HarperCollins Dictionary of Religion, Konko-kyo claimed about 500,000 members in 1995 (J. Smith 1995:637).

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Field Experience

    On May 18, 1997 I visited the Konko Church of Los Angeles and attended the "May 18, 1997 Mitama Service" as a participant observer. Afterwards I spoke with several of the church members and the minister over a bowl of noodles and other refreshments.
 

Time, Space, and Participants

    The mitama service takes place monthly in addition to other memorial services and special calendrical based services. The service was held on a Sunday morning at ten, taking a little longer than one hour. The Konko Church of Los Angeles meets in a fairly small building which is basically Western in its architectural style - the notable exception being East Asian style decorations at the end of the eves. The sanctuary1 occupies one complete wing of the building. Located at the front of the sanctuary is a raised platform extending back ten to fifteen feet. This platform is separated from the rest of the sanctuary by a frame which runs along the floor and ceiling and provides a door to enter the platform on the left and a windowed booth on the right. In front of the platform two groups of chairs face the platform in short rows, separated by a center isle. Each chair had a bilingual Konko-kyo prayer book.

    Those in attendance were almost exclusively Japanese2 and primarily fifty to sixty years of age or older. They sat in the chairs, casually dressed, not separated by gender. I was greeted by a few people and took a seat part way back. The minister entered dressed in a white kimono typical of a Shinto priest and a pointed white cap (eboshi). In the fold of his kimono he kept a tapering wooden slab called a shaku3 (Ono 1962:45) which he removed and held at various times. Only the minister entered the platform, from which he conducted the entire service. One younger man did assist the minister during the tamagushi ceremony and the congregation also approached (but did not ascend) the platform.

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Visual Symbols

    The platform was replete with symbols, many of which I had no opportunity to explore from an emic perspective, but I will describe the most prominent ones. The main feature is the two large multi-tiered wooden altars at the rear of the stage, one in the center and one to the left side. Each altar contained many objects, including multiple food (primarily fruit and vegetables) and drink offerings on small wooden stands, gohei, tamagushi, and a smaller altar. The center altar was framed by two large plant "pillars" with red and white ribbon. Also next to the center altar was a large bag of rice and on the second tier of the altar was a large stack of papers (perhaps the teachings of the founder). The left altar was slightly smaller than the center one but contained more food offerings. It had two candles on the lower tier. On the left wall of the stage was a small table with a wooden bust of the founder. On several golden placards decorating small tables, the platform frame, and a pulpit used later in the service was a symbol containing the character , "kon" from Konko.

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Ceremony, Ritual, and Prayer4

    The service was composed of ceremony and ritual performed by the minister, one ceremony in which the congregation actively participated, and many prayers from the prayer book in both Japanese and English. The prayers were of three types: the minister alone, antiphonal, and in unison. Prayers in Japanese were chanted in a rhythmic style while English prayers were read in a normal voice. The ritual and prayers were often separated by "four solemn claps" as described at the beginning of the paper. The order of service is described below, including the content of some of the rituals and prayers. Words in quotes were spoken by the minister.
 
 
Focus On Center (Tenchi Kane no Kami) Altar
  • four claps - "greetings" 
  • Mediation Prayer
  • Purification Prayer 
  • purification rite - the minister shook a purification wand (haraigushi) towards the bowing congregation, chanting "Thank you. Thank you" 
  • Kami (God) prayer - asking for mitama power for ancestors and predecessors; divine favor depends on the sincerity of our hearts; [minister bowed repeatedly to center altar] 
  • four claps
  • "Offering of the symbol of a true heart": tamagushi placed on the first tier of the altar 
  • Japanese prayer5
  • Adoration prayer 
  • divine praise prayer 
  •  
    Focus On Left (Mitama) Altar
  • four claps - "solemn acknowledgment" 
  • "Procession to mitama altar by officiate"; lights candles 
  • four claps - "solemn greetings" 
  • Mitama prayer - to spirits of those before us; you had life and lived faithfully; we honor and remember you; through working of Kami and the Konko faith you amassed great merit; we revere you and ask for favor and help in fulfilling tasks; protect us; give us faith, peace, prosperity, and good homes 
  • "Sacred mitama invocation and names for the month of May" ritual - minister bows before altar and prays; he sits up; "let us pray," leads to a more formal, chanted prayer; reading of the (personal) names of many mitama for several minutes; he stands and reading a prayer or teaching from a large white paper; as each mitama name is called, prayer that they will come into our lives to do good works in this world; pray for comfort for each mitama; pray to the Principal Parent of the Universe.6 
  • four claps
  • short ritual involving the bust of the founder 
  • "Offering of the symbol of a true heart": tamagushi placed on the first tier of the altar 
  • four claps
  • Tamagushi ritual - the entire congregation approaches the platform; each person takes a tamagushi and places it on a table with the top side of the branch up and the stem facing the mitama altar; clap twice; bow and pray to whatever mitama one desires; return to seat 
  • ancestor praise prayer 
  • Ancestral prayer
  • four claps 
  •  
    Focus Changes to Teaching
  • minister moves a pulpit to the front center of the platform 
  • reading of "teaching by the founder - teaching number sixty-one" 
  • short sermon or teaching: we face many problems in life as children and as adults; sometimes they even lead to unexpected death; example of someone who had lost two children but not held a mitama service for them - a fortune teller saw the children "sitting" on his shoulders - a Konko minister then held a service for them; it is discourteous, offensive, and remiss if we do not come before the Principal Parent and mitama when there is a death; we need to give mitama thanks for the spirits (for the death?), which will give us blessings; we will renew our spiritual lives ever more eagerly 
  • announcements
  •  

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    Analysis of Deep Structure Meaning

        Literature on Konko is difficult to find and the sources which were available spoke primarily about the group's history. Sources relating to Shinto in general have been used to research the meanings of many of the symbols. Except where noted the interpretations are from an etic viewpoint. Emic viewpoints came from Aya, a woman in her seventies, David, a young man in his twenties or thirties, and the minister, Alfred Tsuyuki Sensei.
     

    Various Symbols

        Altars seem to be a temporary dwelling place of the Kami or mitama spirits, the center altar in Konko dedicated to Tenchi Kane no Kami and the left altar to the mitama, as is evidenced by the shift of focus in the service shown above. The various items on the altar are primarily offerings to the spirit(s) of that altar, whether food and drink offerings or symbolic offerings such as the gohei and tamagushi. The gohei is both a symbolic offering (dating back to the time when cloth was actually given as an offering) and a symbol of the presence of the Kami. The lighting of the candles on the mitama altar symbolizes their presence. The plurality of the food offerings on the left altar is likely due to the many mitama represented there while only the Kami is enshrined in the center altar. Tamagushi are discussed in detail below. The white kimono and cap worn by the minister are symbolic of purity by their color. It is noteworthy that the multiple paper strands hanging from the haraigushi purification wand used in the purification ceremony are also white. The minister's shaku is a "symbol of the office of priest and is believed to lend dignity to his appearance." (Ono 1962:24,44-45,52-54)

        The two plant pillars with red and white ribbon are not discussed in the literature. Their meaning might be inferred from that of other symbols however. The green leaves may represent freshness and life (as in the tamagushi) and red and white indicate the sun and the moon (Ono 1962). One symbol discussed from an emic viewpoint were the occurrences of the  symbol. Neither David or Aya associated anything particular with this symbol. Tsuyuki Sensei explained that the symbol is taken from the name of Konjin and used to remind them of Kami. It also means unity - thus the English translation of Principle Parent of the Universe as Konjin's title, a title which also intentionally avoids possible confusion by using the term "god" or "spirit." He said that  is often misinterpreted as indicating prosperity or riches, and while that is not its true meaning, he is content to let the symbol have that connotation in order to aid in propagation of the sect.

        I asked both Aya and David about the four claps and bow which are used throughout the service. David was somewhat unsure, but thought that the purpose might be to awaken the spirits, to get the attention of the mitama to hear one's prayers.7 Here David described how he believes that everything we are - our personality, morality, and beliefs - and our actions are products of the influence of our mitama. He described his faith as simple, teaching purity of life. Aya saw the purpose of the four claps as focusing one's complete attention to Kami for the prayer and bow after the claps. Aya's prayer is a prayer of gratefulness for her health and for her independence even during her husband's sickness.

        As described above, a tamagushi is a sprig from the sakaki tree8 with a carefully folded piece of white paper attached. David said that the green branch and leaves indicate life and freshness, while the white paper tassel is a symbol for purity. Tamagushi were used at several key points in the service. At both altars the minister offered a large branch as a "symbol of a true heart." When discussing tamagushi after the service, Tsuyuki Sensei indicated that the sakaki tree is used because the branches have a definite top and bottom, with all the leaves facing one direction. In the ceremony it is essential to offer the top of the branch to the mitama and turn the stem toward the altar, symbolic of a heart turned toward the Kami.

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    Sacred Mitama Invocation and Tamagushi Ceremony

        The "sacred mitama invocation" and reading of the mitama names for the month of May and the following tamagushi ceremony formed the core of the mitama service9. The focus on the mitama altar itself occupies much of the service. During the invocation, a long list of names for the month is read. Each mitama is asked to work in the believers' lives through a long prayer. After the offering of the large branch, the entire congregation participates in a ceremony of offering tamagushi to the mitama altar. The minister stressed that this offering was not "superstitious," so no one should feel troubled about participating.10 The format of the ceremony is described in the order of service above. The tamagushi used in this ceremony were quite small, one for each participant. Offering the sprig to the mitama altar, each participant prayed to the mitama. For most participants this seemed to be the key meaningful moment in the entire service. They appeared reverent and focused. For some it seemed to be purely ritual.

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    Role of the Minister

        The minister in the Konko service primarily fulfills the role of a priest. The ministers are usually called priests in the literature, although Tsuyuki Sensei prefers the title of minister, probably a form of contextualization for the California setting. The minister officiates in the service, bringing the people before Kami and the mitama. The Konko minister has many of the characteristics of a priest as described by Hiebert and Shaw: a full time religious specialist; origins in a peasant cultural setting (which has moved to an industrial setting); serving the people primarily in formalized contexts. The minister also participates in shamanic and teaching activity. He interacts with the people and their needs in healing and funeral services and instructs them in the teaching of the founder (Hiebert and Shaw 1993:223-227). Tsuyuki Sensei described himself as a servant of Kami and a mediator (toritsugisha) between his congregation and Tenchi Kane no Kami. His sermon was focused on encouragement to seek him and the Konko services as such a mediator. Konko does teach that believers can pray to the mitama directly, however (Akedo "e_page002.html").

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    Purpose of the Mitama Service and the Konko Church

        What needs does the mitama service and Konko-kyo in general meet for its participants and adherents? These are key questions. The answers draw together the focus of the many symbols, prayers, and ceremonies discussed above. Konko meets the needs of the family when there is a death (providing meaning and purpose through that loss as the deceased becomes a mitama), it encourages the people to live a pure life, to seek the blessings of Kami and the mitama, and it promises them prosperity and happiness. According to various sources, physical healing is also a key part of Konko. Holtom's chapter on Konko is titled "The Faith-Healing Sects: Konko-Kyo." (Holtom 1965) Nonetheless, this had no place in the mitama service I attended.

        Of key importance are the simple instructions and guidance for daily living, manifest in David's comments above, and pervasive in the teaching of the founder. "Don't burden others with your troubles. Pray to God wherever you are. Remember to live a quiet life. It is better to strike your own head than that of your child… Never accept your defeat even for a moment. Forgive the wrath of others. God recognizes open-mindedness and gives blessings. Pray to God. God makes you prosper in your business." (Akedo "epage_201.html","epage_202.html") Aya told how she grew up in a home where there was never any violence and how that was very special to her in a world full of violence.

        When analyzed according to Hiebert's analytical model, these people certainly understand the middle zone. They are in touch with mitama spirits who live in this zone and affect their lives. They also relate to the top zone, with their concept of Tenchi Kane no Kami, a basically monotheistic "high God" view. They exhibit both organic and mechanical religious behavior. They pray directly to the mitama and the Kami, thanking them for various things and interacting with them. Much of their service is very ritualized and mechanical however - four claps to get the spirits' attention; chanted liturgical prayers.

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    Missiological Implications

        From a brief study of the Konko sect and the mitama service, what are the missiological implications for working with Japanese people? It is evident that Konko fits nicely with a traditional Japanese worldview. There is emphasis on the ancestors, purity and simplicity, the beauty and life of nature, group unity, and symbolic offerings and prayer to deity and spirits. Many of these things can and should be incorporated into a Christianity that is relevant to the Japanese people. Care can be taken to honor and learn from our ancestors (not as spirits but as those who came before) while not worshipping them. Offerings, rites, and symbols meaningful to the Japanese consciousness can be incorporated into Christian liturgical contexts. Emphasis can be put on unity and simplicity over Western hyper-individualism and technical religion. The purification rite has an analogy in Christian confession and divine forgiveness. Of course, care must be taken to research each aspect of the process in order to avoid problems with syncretism, especially with certain symbolic forms. Certainly some should not be used. These are simply initial ideas based on one small case study, but I believe that many things can be done in this area - speaking to the Japanese heart without compromising the gospel. Personally I would like to continue my study of religious anthropology, focusing on Shinto, Buddhism, and folk religion (the three are not exclusive!) in the Japanese context.

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    Notes

    1 I use "sanctuary" for ignorance of a better term.  "Worship hall" does not seem appropriate…
    2 The one exception (other than myself) appeared to be the husband of a Japanese woman.
    3 See the appendix for a sketch of these and many of the other items.
    4 I have not followed Hiebert and Shaw’s distinction of "ritual" and "ceremony" herein.  Semantically at least, it is difficult for me to make the distinction.  In general, I have used the words somewhat interchangeably, although I have tried to limit ceremony to group activity and right to more individual activity.  Following Hiebert and Shaw, the entire service is probably ceremony only – it is cyclical and group oriented.  Within the service, however, the priest performs various individual rites, which I prefer to see as ritual.  They are not, however, critically motivated.
    5 This indicates a prayer for which I cannot translate the title.  Underlined words are rough translations of the Japanese prayer title.  I believe many, but not all, of the Japanese prayers were analogous to the English prayers immediately preceding or following them.
    6 English translation used by the minister for Konjin’s title of Tenchi Kane no Kami.
    7 A common East Asian religious practice.  Four claps seems strange, though, as the number is often associated with death.  Perhaps this is an implicit repudiation of common superstition.
    8 Huckleberry branches are used here in California.  It has similar features to the unavailable sakaki.
    9 Perhaps these two parts of the service are not separated, but seen as a whole from the emic viewpoint.
    10 It was important to them that I as a participant/observer in the service (even as a non-member and a Christian) participate in this ceremony with them.  This as well as Tsuyuki Sensei’s extreme openness to me were remarkable.
     
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    References Cited

    Akedo, Masayuki
        "The Way of God." A Page of KONKO-KYO YAMASAKI mission
         . http://www2g.meshnet.or.jp/~akechan/e_page000.html.

    Hiebert, Paul G. and R. Daniel Shaw
      1993    The Power and the Glory. Unpublished manuscript. Pasadena, California.

    Holtom, D. C.
      1965    The National Faith of Japan. New York: Paragon Book Reprint.

    Murakami, Shigeyoshi
      1980    Japanese Religion in the Modern Century. H. Byron Earhart, trans. Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press.
                 (Original: Nihon Hyakunen No Shukyo. Kodansha, 1968.)

    Ono, Sokyo
      1962    Shinto: The Kami Way. Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle.

    Smith, Jonathan Z., ed.
      1995    The HarperCollins Dictionary of Religion. San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco.

    Smith, Robert J.
      1974    Ancestor Worship in Contemporary Japan. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press.

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    Appendix - Figures

    Figure 1 - Shinto priest holdin a shaku
     
     
    Figure 2 - eboshi
     
     
    Figure 3 - tamagushi
     
     Figure 4 - gohei
     
    Figure 5 - food and drink offerings on altar
     
    Figure 6 - haraigushi
     

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